Sample Paper on Sexuality and Feminism in Saudi Arabia

In history, I realized that Saudi Arabia is the only and single state in the entire globe that forbids the right of driving for women. Truly, denying a woman the right to drive assists in controlling her physical mobility and thus individuality. Moreover, concentrating on the right to drive fails in the whole matter of a ban on women driving in Saudi Arabia. At one instance, I witnessed when the ban on driving made the women demand their rights and freedoms as they fall victims of perpetual minors in that act of sexuality segregated political system.

Saudi Arabian women are always treated as permanent minors through an act introduced by the government that trespasses on their basic human rights. The candy woman and the action of unwrapping can point to the moral dynamic and outcome for women in Saudi Arabia civilization. We see her being alienated from society and completely becoming worthless as she becomes publicly unwrapped. In addition, I also find true that every adult Saudi woman, irrespective of her financial or societal status, must get consent from her male guardian to do a job, travel, acquire knowledge, pursue medical cure or espouse. That notwithstanding, the women are also denied the chance of making the most inconsequential decisions in the best interests of their children. This method is reinforced by the imposition of complete sex apartheid, which deters women from partaking meaningfully in community life.[1]

Foucault explores the use of docile bodies to explain the act of feminism in the Saudi Arabian regime. Usually, a docile body may be exposed, used, transmuted, and upgraded. In this wonderful work, Foucault explores the most significant facts on docile bodies since Sartre proposes that the vaunted reforms like the abolition of cruelty and the advent of the contemporary prison have purely shifted the attention of punishment from the inmate’s body to the emotional being.[2]

With regard to the censorship in Saudi Arabia, strict customary Islamic moral codes are imposed on the women for the traditions. The images of female models found in the boxes of different products of sale such as women’s pans hoses and hair dye impact the daily lives of Saudis. This is because the act of males drawing lines over women’s images implies the outlook of ghostly portraits. In addition, microphones on the wall are lifeless and mute yet they are accredited to live depicts that women have no freedom of speech. In my opinion, I feel that the muting microphones show a sense of denial of the freedom of expression of Saudi women.[3]

Systemic sexual violence is not usually evident in Saudi Arabia, although organized media movements have aimed at Saudi women puzzling orthodox clergymen, male abuse of power, and draconian care laws. Confronting the ethics of women and getting disgrace to their households have demonstrated a beneficial method to silence advocacy for Saudi women’s rights. Prominent women activists who proved vocal in the past events of women ban protest have moderated their encouragement after the Saudi regime instigated stringent media and speech rules.

Saudi women in their everyday lives experience the consequences of this structure of male chauvinism and sex violence. In the discipline of education, the common structure of education is personalized to support prejudiced gender responsibilities and what the system regards as appropriate for women’s well-being and forthcoming responsibility as wives and mothers. Furthermore, women and girls’ admittance to edification relies on the willingness of male guardians, whose consent is necessary for their academic registration. Sex violence demoralizes women’s right to parity in education, particularly when female universities and dons are often demoted to unsatisfactory facilities with unsatisfactory academic chances.

The law denies women their legal capabilities, making them incapable of making decisions for themselves. The lawful system minors their capability to access and involve the courts and the state in severely controlled opposition and protests in demand for their rights and freedoms. Some of the limitations of this feminist system are border on illogicality; which in many occasions have grave repercussions. For example, women were given the right to an independent identification card in the year 2001, which still requires a guardian’s consent to be approved.[4]

In conclusion, a real transformation in the Saudi sexuality apartheid structure is not probable in the adjoining future. In the intervening time, women will endure tolerating the ramifications of living as permanent minors ghettoized by law from their male colleague citizens. Therefore, I conclude that life for a woman is better in a different place from Saudi Arabia.

Bibliography

Abida Samiuddin, and Rashida Khanam, Muslim feminism and feminist movement: Middle-East Asia. 2, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Turkey (Delhi: Global Vision Pub. House, 2002), 304.

Michael Foucault, and Alan Sheridan, Discipline and punishment: the birth of the prison (New York: Vintage, 2012), 175.

Naomi Sakr, “Women and Media in Saudi Arabia: Rhetoric, Reductionism and Realities,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 35, no. 3 (2008) 385-404.

Sundiata, A. (2006). Look Behind the Façade. USA: Xulon Press.

[1] Naomi Sakr, “Women and Media in Saudi Arabia: Rhetoric, Reductionism and Realities,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 35, no. 3 (2008) 385-404.

 

[2] Michael Foucault, and Alan Sheridan, Discipline and punishment: the birth of the prison (New York: Vintage, 2012), 175.

 

[3] Sundiata, A. (2006). Look Behind the Façade. USA: Xulon Press.

 

[4] Abida Samiuddin, and Rashida Khanam, Muslim feminism and feminist movement: Middle-East Asia. 2, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Turkey (Delhi: Global Vision Pub. House, 2002), 304.